I phone 4g

Whats New?	OS iPhone OS (based on Mac OS) Messaging SMS (threaded view), MMS, Email, Push Email Browser HTML (Safari) Radio No Games Downloadable, incl. motion-based Colors Black, White GPS Yes, with A-GPS support Java No - Active noise cancellation with dedicated microphone - Digital compass - Google Maps - Audio/video player - Voice command/dial - TV-out
Dimension	114.3 x 58.7 x 9.4 mm
Weight	140 g
Battery
Memory	Phonebook Practically unlimited entries and fields, Photocall Call records 100 received, dialed and missed calls Internal 64/80 GB storage Card slot No
Connectivity	GPRS Class 10 (4+1/3+2 slots), 32 - 48 kbps EDGE Class 10, 236.8 kbps 3G HSDPA, 7.2 Mbps WLAN Wi-Fi 802.11b/g Bluetooth Yes, v2.1 with A2DPInfrared port No USB Yes, v2.0
Display Size	640 x 960 pixels, 3.5 inches - Multi-touch input method - Accelerometer sensor for auto-rotate - Proximity sensor for auto turn-off - Scratch-resistant surface
Display Colour	TFT capacitive touchscreen, 16M colors
Operating Frequency / Band	2G Network GSM 850 / 900 / 1800 / 1900 3G Network HSDPA 850 / 1900 / 2100
Browser	HTML (Safari)
Camera	Primary 5 MP, 2592 x 1944 pixels, autofocus, LED flash Features Touch focus, geo-tagging Video Yes Secondary Yes
Ring Tones	Alert types Vibration, MP3 ringtones Speakerphone Yes - 3.5 mm headset jack
Messaging	SMS (threaded view), MMS, Email, Push Email

X6 upcoming Soonn!

Quick Spec
	Talk Time (max)	400 Hrs
	Stand by (max)	8 Hrs
	Weight	122g
	Size (mm)	111 x 51 x 13.8 mm
	Frequency	GSM 850 / 900 / 1800 / 1900 / HSDPA 900 / 1900 / 2100
	Bluetooth	Yes

Nokia Upcommin Cell phones In Pakistan.

Quick Spec Talk Time (max) 7 Hrs Stand by (max) 480 Hrs Weight 114g Size (mm) 115.5 x 58.1 x 13.6 mm Frequency GSM 850 / 900 / 1800 / 1900 Bluetooth Yes

Are Provinces necessary to make?

In Pakistan the issues to make more Provinces is rising day by day.First the issue of Province Bhawalpur & then of Province Saraiki was raised.The Saraikis thinks that they have the majority over here so they must have another Province.The Saraiki belt starts from almost Jhung ,Multan,Dera Ghazi Khan to Sadiqabad.But the peoples who are leading these revolutions are all Feudal Lords.These are all corrupt people I would like to mention some of their names like Khawja Aamir Kureeja,Nawab Salah ud deen Abbasi etc.These people are well known and have a great influence on the peoples of their areas.No dought they have no Guts.They are all Dumb.The second one of Province Bhawalpur is lead by Makhdoom Ahmed Mehmood,Tasneem Nawaz gardezi and Muhammad Ali durrani.Although this revolution is quite bigger than the other one but the leadership is not good indeed.There are some benefits also like if another Province is made then all the three hundred seats of medical(Sheikh Zayed Medical College)will be given to us.Another Engineering college may be made ,more infrastructure can be made or developed but in case of a Good Leader ship.The second revolution of making another Province Hazzara is Also raised by the Q league peoples to disturb the situation of N.W.F.P.This was raised after the change in the name of Province Surhad to Khyber Pakhtoon Khan.In this revolution dozens of people have been killed .Well its my opinion that Provinces should be made but on the base of population.Like India has done.But The leadership should be good One.In the End Pakistan PaindaBad.

Why do people in Pakistan Hesitate to speak English?

Umm people in Pakistan are very much self centered .If one speaks English and make some mistakes in the tenses then he or she is being criticized by all of his companions .I don't know why is it so?.Why do people criticize ,what is the problem with them?.The people are so jealous that they cant see anyone going faster than them.Especially the youngsters.The thing we should do is this develop confidence in our selves and don't even bother to listen to the stupid peoples.I have seen a person like this he's my class fellow .He never listens to any one criticizing him he just go on and onnnnnnnn!.

A report on Kerry Lugar Bill

WASHINGTON: Pakistani officials, diplomats and spokespersons do not consider the otherwise mind-boggling conditions included in the just passed Kerry-Lugar aid bill in the US Senate as of any serious significance but they are not prepared to state on record that all Pakistani stakeholders, the Army, the intelligence agencies, the people of Pakistan, have been taken into confidence, or even told before hand, that such conditions were being imposed.

The Secretary of State has to issue a certificate on these sensitive subjects before each instalment of the US aid is to be disbursed and Pakistanis are wondering how all, or any, of these conditions will be met, if at all.

The Secretary of State, under the direction of the president, has to certify to the appropriate congressional committees that:

1. the Government of Pakistan is continuing to cooperate with the United States in efforts to dismantle supplier networks relating to the acquisition of nuclear weapons-related materials, such as providing relevant information from or direct access to Pakistani nationals associated with such networks;
2. the Government of Pakistan during the preceding fiscal year has demonstrated a sustained commitment to and is making significant efforts towards combating terrorist groups, consistent with the purposes of assistance described in section 201, including taking into account the extent to which the Government of Pakistan has made progress on matters such as:

(a) ceasing support, including by any elements within the Pakistan military or its intelligence agency, to extremist and terrorist groups, particularly to any group that has conducted attacks against United States or coalition forces in Afghanistan, or against the territory or people of neighbouring countries;

(b) preventing al-Qaeda, the Taliban and associated terrorist groups, such as Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed, from operating in the territory of Pakistan, including carrying out cross-border attacks into neighbouring countries, closing terrorist camps in the Fata, dismantling terrorist bases of operations in other parts of the country, including Quetta and Muridke, and taking action when provided with intelligence about high-level terrorist targets; and

(c) strengthening counter-terrorism and anti-money laundering laws; and

(3) the security forces of Pakistan are not materially and substantially subverting the political or judicial processes of Pakistan.

Pakistani officials, including ISPR spokesman Major General Athar Abbas and Ambassador Husain Haqqani, were tight-lipped and diplomatic when The News approached them with the crucial questions whether the conditions listed in the Kerry-Lugar Bill had been discussed, accepted or met by the Pakistani institutions as they looked almost impossible to deliver.

General Athar Abbas told Muhammad Ahmed Noorani of The News in Islamabad that the Army was going to send its views about these conditions to the Foreign Ministry and they would respond to these questions. While this response of the ISPR was “politically correct” it did carry a discreet impression that the Army may not have been taken on board until now. If these conditions were known to the GHQ, they would have already sent their response to the relevant civilian quarters and Gen Abbas would not have to say that they will do so now.

When Ambassador Husain Haqqani was asked the same question by me whether these conditions had been discussed with the concerned Pakistani quarters, his response was that the foreign minister, the foreign secretary and the FO spokesman are in New York and I should direct these questions to them. He would not take any question about his role or the role of the costly lobbyist in Washington because this apparently may be his ultimate failure.

Thus a deliberate stonewalling attempt is being made about who should be held responsible for agreeing to these conditions because although the language of these conditions is different in essence the US demands are the same — give us AQ Khan, don’t finger India, forget Kashmir, close the terror shops of Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Muhammed and cooperate in the war on terror on our terms.

The more direct language against military intervention in political and judicial processes has apparently been added by the US legislators on the insistence of those Pakistanis who feel that the GHQ in Pindi is still creating hurdles in allowing the PPP to run its government as it likes, specially after the March 15 intervention to restore the judges, something which was taken as a direct affront to President Zardari who had over-committed himself not to restore the chief justice.

The new media strategy of the Pakistani side not to talk about these sensitive issues separately, but to let the Foreign Office speak about them may be a clever move but it will not answer the million questions and doubts being raised.

For instance Foreign Office Spokesman Abdul Basit, who is in New York, when asked by me whether the Army and other institutions were on board, gave a fairly calculated and guarded response: “Basically this is not our decision and the Americans have drafted it but the Pakistan government has been in close touch with them. Acceptance of these conditions is not an issue as we have tried to convince them that such conditions do not work.”

Asked whether the Pakistan Army and intelligence agencies can deliver what the US side is asking for in terms of supporting extremists elements and groups, Basit said it was Pakistan’s policy not to support these groups, so we have nothing to worry about.

Basit is sure that the certifications required are not inconsistent with or in conflict with the Pakistani policies. “We have no problem as these elements are part and parcel of our policies but if there are any perceptions or misperceptions on the US side, we will try to remove them,” he said.

Asked about the clause which talks of ensuring that the security forces of Pakistan are not materially and substantially subverting the political or judicial processes of Pakistan, Basit tried to laugh it off, saying: “You know better than me what it means.”

This lack of openness is likely to create more problems but some former senior diplomats in Washington and New York think these conditions will be a non-starter and actual flows of US aid will stay very low although the huge infrastructure to manage this aid will be created in Islamabad and which may then be used for any other purpose.

One diplomat, after reading the Kerry-Lugar Bill, said the entire concept of Reconstruction Zones in the Fata has been eliminated from the process which means that the US has given up on development in tribal areas, and the entire exercise for the last many years has come to a naught.

Apart from the “feel good” factor that US was supporting Pakistan, diplomats say the quantity of aid promised is so small that if a popular Pakistan president had asked the overseas Pakistanis for additional remittances, the Pakistani community would have sent over two billion more than the six billion they send, free of cost, every year.

But President Zardari and his aides are confident that they have conquered Washington and will return to Pakistan triumphant in the glory of becoming the darling of the West. “This is the misguided vision of a few bloated visionaries in the president’s camp and they will soon find out the heat of these unacceptable conditions when they return to Pakistan,” a disgruntled member of the Pakistani delegation said in confidence.

Poverty in Pakistan

Poverty in Pakistan is increasing day by day n year by year.Pakistan is basically a third World Country. Among the causes of high levels of poverty in Pakistan are its history under British rule, large population, low literacy, dependence on agriculture, and the economic policies adopted after its independence.At the time of partition and independence in 1947, Pakistan inherited the most backward parts of South Asia with only one university, one Textile Mill and one Jute Factory. The country has made tremendous progress and its per Capita GNP remains the highest in South Asia. During the last decade poverty elimination programs helped many of the poor to participate and rise up. However the Global financial crisis and other factors like the occupation of Afghanistan have impacted Pakistani growth. Poverty in Pakistan has historically been higher in rural areas and lower in the cities. Out of the total 40 million living below the poverty line, 30 million live in rural areas. Poverty rose sharply in the rural areas in the 1990s and the gap in income between urban and rural areas of the country became more significant. This trend has been attributed to a disproportionate impact of economic events in the rural and urban areas.

There are also significant inhomogeneities in the different regions of Pakistan that contribute to the country's rising poverty. In the 1999 Fiscal year, the urban regions of the Sindh province had the lowest levels of poverty, and the rural areas of the North West Frontier Province had the highest. Punjab also has significant gradients in poverty among the different regions of the province.